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Free Euro Mediterranean Relations After September 11: International, Regional And Domestic Dynamics
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By A Zee July 10, - pm extra from the academic on 7 May In particular, early concerns were raised that the EU was relying far too heavily on an assumption that support for economic liberalization and integration would deliver security benefits, inter-regional harmony and political modernization. Several southern Mediterranean governments signed up to the EMP without enthusiasm and largely because in the mids they saw few other strategic alternatives. Critical voices at this stage bemoaned the extent to which the EMP enshrined European hegemony over Arab states — illuminating to recall, given that today there is far more concern over the absence of EU influence in the region.
Arab regimes disliked the focus on human rights and democracy. The EMP was conceived on the back of the Oslo peace accords and in essence offered the social, economic and political means of locking-in the regional benefits of Arab-Israeli reconciliation. If initial enthusiasm in the EMP had begun to drain away, the political context was about to get even more complicated. This changed on 11 September For several subsequent years, analytical work focused on the dynamics of securitization in Euro-Mediterranean relations.
This reflected the heightened importance of justice and home affairs matters, as well as incipient de-radicalization initiatives. These were corollaries to the more intense counter-terrorist cooperation that took shape across the Mediterranean Sea after Gillespie recalls here that this policy shift sharpened tensions between soft-power and direct security approaches — even as these two components were supposed to be mutually reinforcing within the EMP.
It seemed to drag the EMP away from long-term community building to short-term threat-containment. He observes how far short the EU had fallen in actually following through on its own liberal-cooperative ideals of shared identity building — and the consequent limits to the constructivist framework. The EMP seemed to have been ahead of its time in speaking of cultural understanding, regional integration, economic development and political reform being essential to reducing the risks of radicalization.
The EU introduced a number of new democracy and human rights initiatives. They admitted the EMP had made limited progress in this area.
20 Years of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
The European Neighbourhood Policy was conceived, to add more tailored action plans in each partner state. Yet, after a flurry of post activity, any new momentum behind EU support for democratic reforms in the southern Mediterranean soon dissipated.
As security concerns intensified so did the challenges facing EU and Mediterranean states in developing mutually beneficial relations through a culture of dialogue. A plethora of links now existed between the northern and southern sides of the Mediterranean below the level of the state. The EMP was almost uniquely rich in this domain.
It had facilitated dialogue between NGOs, municipalities, youth groups, journalists, unions, business actors, parliamentarians and artists. Yet the results of all this activity were disappointing and dialogue was increasingly imbalanced.
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In part it was because the scale of such initiatives was not sufficient to make a decisive difference. And in part it was because many partners in the south complained that the nature of cooperation was being framed on European terms. Yet this engagement was less than whole-hearted. Sceptics thought that most European governments were not at all genuine in their claim to have realized the importance of reaching out to Islamist parties.
In the late s, the EU seemed increasingly introverted. It was immersed in drawn-out internal, institutional reforms.
As the threat of radicalism and international terrorism appeared to have plateaued, EU-Mediterranean relations lost some of their drive. As its own economic crisis hit hard, the EU needed buoyant export markets. It began to accord greater priority to rising economies, especially in Asia. The Middle East slipped down its list of priorities. And such distractedness was also reflected in academic work from this period.
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The subject of this volume suggested that some academics still approached the EMP very much through the lens of its supposedly unique and distinctive commitment to building a shared community and polity across the Mediterranean. At the same time, some contributors to this volume began to stress the contextual shifts that seemed to render this kind of approach increasingly questionable. The piece unpacks the mix of convergence and divergence on security questions across the Mediterranean. It notes that policy dynamics depended on specific goals in relation to different issues and did not reflect any broader, all-encompassing regional security culture.
The Economic Marginalisation and Lack of Regionalisation of the MENA Area | SpringerLink
Where the EU and Arab states could reach agreement it was for very pragmatic reasons, not as part of any deeply embedded ideational security community. In line with this focus on very practical areas of cooperation, the French government proposed the creation of a new Union for the Mediterranean. After a number of diplomatic confrontations and a process of re-modelling, the UfM was effectively folded into the exiting EMP although in policy debates both terms are still used.
A new UfM secretariat was set up in Barcelona dedicated to funding joint development projects in the southern Mediterranean. With the benefit of hindsight, it seems puzzling today that so much hope was placed in this re-launch. The UfM started to focus on low-key, technocratic, development projects — apparently blind to the turbulent storm clouds that were evidently gathering over the Middle East.
Indeed, in this period, the EU often appeared immersed in arcane institutional questions, to the detriment of broad, geopolitical deliberation. I could have chosen any number of articles from this edition, if more space were available: it is a collection that reflects well the focus of debates at that moment, as the Union for Mediterranean added another layer of institutional complexity to EU initiatives in the region. It reflected what would soon be revealed to be a disastrous myopia at the heart of Euro-Mediterranean relations: the new initiative was designed to focus on uncontroversial areas of cooperation and to take politics out of the policy equation — the kind of politics that were just about to erupt in spectacular fashion in Tunisia, Egypt and then elsewhere.
Looking back at this volume, it is remarkable how focused EU debates were on institutional structures, internal processes and rivalries — at a moment when, we now know, the social pressures were building up to burst forth in what would be labeled the Arab spring. Even less did work in the journal foresee the kind of geopolitical shockwaves created by the now-raging conflicts in Syria, Iraq and Libya.
Self-evidently, the Arab spring marked the beginning of another phase in analytical debate. In this phase of the debate, the inadequacies of the UfM were front and centre of the analysis. European governments sought to regain their sway in overall EU policies towards the Middle East. Looking back at previous analytical work, one notes the longstanding and common view that democracy support is strongly internalized within EU identities and self-images, and pursued in a somewhat un-reflexive manner independent of geostrategic calculation.
However, this was not sufficient as an explanation of EU foreign policy in the southern Mediterranean after The Arab awakening did not open the door to entirely harmonious cooperation and community building across the Mediterranean.
Related Euro-Mediterranean Relations After September 11: International, Regional and Domestic Dynamics
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