Lanahan, Brian Overview. Publication Timeline.
Peace, Conflict and Development
Most widely held works by Brian Lanahan. Post-conflict education for democracy and reform : Bosnian education in the post-war era, by Brian K Lanahan 17 editions published between and in English and German and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide Chapter 1. Dayton Implementation to European Integration -- Chapter 4. Conclusions and What's Next for BiH.
Even the janitor is white : educating for cultural diversity in small colleges and universities Book 3 editions published in in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Even the janitor is white - educating for cultural diversity in small colle Book 1 edition published in in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide.
Practicing teachers as elementary social studies methods instructors : their beliefs about the issues they encounter in preparing preservice elementary teachers by Brian K Lanahan 1 edition published in in English and held by 1 WorldCat member library worldwide Finally, conclusions about the status of elementary social studies are discussed. The couple then examined some 20 official documents in their drawer, starting with their original birth certificates. These state that they are Serbs a decision by their communist parents. A student card from the early s issued by Zagreb University refers to Ismet as a Muslim.
None of the documents issued by the Bosnian authorities since makes any reference to ethnicity. Their son's experience is similar: none of his documents states his ethnicity, and he was not asked about it even when he joined the public administration in Sarajevo in The state-level law on civil servants prescribes that "the structure of civil servants within the civil service shall generally reflect the ethnic structure of the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina in accordance with the last census.
In the head of the finance department of the City of Mostar told ESI that there were 38 people in his department. He assumed that "there must be a list somewhere with data on ethnic belonging. He said he had never seen it himself. In Mostar, as in the rest of Bosnia, the implementation of ethnic quotas is largely a matter of unwritten rules.
The situation in the ten cantonal governments is similar. The Federation constitution states that "the constituent peoples and others shall be proportionally represented. What is striking: three years after the elections only one cantonal government, in Posavina Canton, provides any public information about the ethnicity of its members eight Croats, two Bosniaks. There are, on the other hand, strict ethnic keys at the level of the two entity governments.
- The Politics, Practice and Paradox of ‘Ethnic Security’ in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
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The Federation government has 16 ministers: 8 have to be Bosniak one of whom can also be Other , 5 Croat and 3 Serb. But who is what? In March Milan Dunovic, the Serb Federation vice-president opposed the formation of the new Federation government, arguing that there were too many Serb ministers proposed: four, although there should have been only three. Having worked as a doctor in Sarajevo during the siege, he told the media: "I do not know why my party declared me as a Serb. This solved the problem and he became a minister. The prime minister can nominate an "Other", in which case there are only seven Serbs in the RS government.
At the state level, all three constituent peoples have to be represented equally on the presidency and in the government where at least one member, or the general secretary, has to be an "Other". Before general elections, candidates hand a form to the Central Election Commission where they state their ethnicity: Bosniak, Serb, Croat or "Other. This self-identification cannot be challenged, and no outsider or public document determines to which ethnic group an individual belongs.
It does not matter which religion candidates belong to if they do or what their birth certificate says. Dragan Covic currently serves as the Croat member of the Bosnian presidency. In his student days he had declared himself as a Yugoslav.
In and he was a member of the Bosnian government as a Bosniak. The choice can differ from what candidates declared in previous elections. The only limitation is that those who want to compete for a few specific positions, such as the presidency, must not have declared a different ethnicity during the preceeding four years.
Both entity constitutions prescribe that the six most important positions in the executive, legislature and judiciary cannot be occupied by more than two representatives of any one constituent people or the Others. Three of these positions are chosen politically; another three by the independent High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today in Republika Srpska these are the officials who fill the six positions:.
Bosnians are, of course, long familiar with ethnic keys in their institutions. In fact, the concept of a collective presidency already existed in Yugoslav times. Yugoslav Bosnia's presidency had nine members. In this was reduced to seven members elected from four lists: two each from a Muslim, Serb and Croat list, and one from a list of Others. It is illuminating to contrast the flexible handling of ethnicity and quotas through self-identification in multi-ethnic Bosnia with the way similar ethnic keys are applied in multi-ethnic EU member states.
Two schools under one roof: a lesson in ethnic unmixing from Bosnia’s segregated school system
In Cyprus, the constitution defines only two communities of citizens: "The Greek Community comprises all citizens of the Republic who are of Greek origin and whose mother tongue is Greek or who share the Greek cultural traditions or who are members of the Greek-Orthodox Church; the Turkish Community comprises all citizens of the Republic who are of Turkish origin and whose mother tongue is Turkish or who share the Turkish cultural traditions or who are Moslems.
In South Tyrol, a wealthy autonomous region of Italy, the "Proporz Decree" from stipulates that positions in the public administration, including the judiciary, are allocated proportionally to Germans, Italians and Ladins according to the latest census figures. Those who do not belong to either still have to choose one of these three. A copy of this is kept at court and consulted when an individual applies for an administrative post.
When a candidate runs for the Brussels regional parliament, he or she must first register as belonging to one of two language groups French, Dutch. This decision is for life. Any candidate competing for seats assigned to one language group can never run for a seat reserved for the other language group.
A Dutch-speaker can never become the prime minister of the Brussels region. Perhaps, when it comes to handling ethnic diversity in a flexible manner, Bosnia has something to teach the capital of Europe? In February the European Parliament referred to "nationalist and ethnocentric rhetoric coming from the leadership of the three constitutive peoples in BiH " and to "the continuing lack of common vision displayed by the political leaders of the country's three ethnic communities.
In Bosnia power is decentralised far more than in any of its neighbours, and this reflects an unusually diverse political party landscape. Bosnia has the smallest state legislature in Europe, with 42 seats in its House of Representatives. This small lower house contains 12 different parties, which makes it one of the most pluralist parliaments in Europe.
We find the same pluralism at other levels. In the ten cantonal assemblies there is a total of seats. Since , 24 different parties have been represented in these cantonal assemblies, up from 18 parties after the elections. However, these two together captured only 42 percent of the cantonal seats. In they had 36 percent of these seats. Nowhere, except in tiny West Herzegovina Canton, does either of these two parties have an absolute majority.
In the other nine Cantons a coalition government is required. Bosnian coalition politics is of mindboggling complexity to the uninitiated observer. In seven cantons these three parties still needed other coalition partners to obtain a majority. In early June the coalition agreement in the Federation fell apart. It is also profoundly misleading. The real iron rule for parties in Bosnia is that in order to govern, they need to be able to form different coalitions at different levels at the same time. This fact limits though it does not prevent inter-ethnic polarisation: it is harder to demonise those with whom one is in coalition at least at some level, or has been in coalition before, or expects to be in the future.
This looks like one plausible explanation for the stability of the Bosnian political system in the past two decades.
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This is repeated by official after official. People think this is simply too much. The Bosnian state parliament has a lower and an upper chamber with 42 and 15 seats, respectively. The Federation parliament has two chambers with 98 and 58 seats. The RS has two chambers with 83 and 28 seats.
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The ten unicameral cantonal assemblies have seats. This means that Bosnia has "parliamentarians". This sounds like a lot for a country of fewer than 4 million people. The US state of Texas 27 million people has only councilors and 31 senators. Switzerland is the European federation that most resembles Bosnia's cantonal system. The Swiss half-canton Appenzell Innerrhoden population 16, has a member cantonal assembly. This is a larger assembly than Tuzla's population , with 35 members. Altogether the cantonal assemblies of the 26 cantons and half-cantons of Switzerland boast 2, councilors.
How about executive positions?
Related Post-Conflict Education for Democracy and Reform: Bosnian Education in the Post-War Era, 1995–2015
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